Annotated Swadesh wordlists for the Iranian group (Indo-European family).

Languages included: Iron Ossetic [irn-osi]; Digor Ossetic [irn-osd]; Yaghnobi [irn-ygn]; Parachi [irn-prc].

DATA SOURCES

I. General.

EDIL = В. С. Расторгуева, Д. И. Эдельман. Этимологический словарь иранских языков. Москва, 2000- [V. S. Rastorgueva, D. I. Edelman. Etymological dictionary of the Iranian languages. Moscow, 2000-]. // Ongoing multivolume edition.

Akabirov et al. 1959 = С. Ф. Акабиров, З. М. Магруфова, А. Т. Ходжаханов. Узбекско-русский словарь. Москва: ГИИНС. // A comprehensive Uzbek-Russian dictionary.

Baranov 1977 = Х. К. Баранов. Арабско-русский словарь. 5-е изд.-е. Москва: Русский язык. // A comprehensive Arabic-Russian dictionary.

Bartholomae 1904 = Chr. Bartholomae. Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Strassburg: Verlag von Karl. J. Truebner. // A comprehensive Avestan and Old Persian dictionary with short etymological notes.

Cheung 2007 = J. Cheung. Etymological dictionary of the Iranian verb. Leiden-Boston: Brill. // This book contains considerable amount of etymologized Proto-Iranian verbal roots.

ESTJ = Э. В. Севортян. Этимологический словарь тюркских языков: Общетюркские и межтюркские основы на гласные. Москва: Наука, 1974 – 2008. // Etymological dictionary of Proto-Turkic.

EWAia I-II = M. Mayrhofer. Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen. I-II Bde. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, 1992-1996. / A comprehensive etymological dictionary of Old Indo-Aryan.

Gaffarov 1974-1976 = М. А. Гаффаров. Персидско-русский словарь. В 2-х тт. 2-е изд. Москва: Наука. // A Persian-Russian dictionary.

Gharib 1995 = B. Gharib. Sogdian dictionary. Sogdian-Persian-English. Tehran: Farhangan publications. // An extensive Sogdian dictionary.

LIV² 2001 = H. Rix (ed.). Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen. Wiesbaden: Dr. L. Reichert Verlag. // An etymological dictionary of PIE verbs.

Mallory-Adams 1997 = J. P. Mallory, D. Q. Adams. Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. London: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers.

Rees 2008 = D. A. Rees. Towards Proto-Persian: An Optimality Theoretic Historical Reconstruction (Ph.D.). Washington, DC. // A dissertation about different aspects of Persian diachronic grammar.

RU 1954 = М. В. Рахими, Л. В. Успенская. Таджикско-русский словарь. 40 000 слов. Москва: ГИИНС. // A comprehensive Tajik-Russian dictionary.

Steblin-Kamensky 1999 = И. М. Стеблин-Каменский. Этимологический словарь ваханского языка. Санкт-Петербург: Петербургское востоковедение. // Wakhi etymological dictionary.

II. Ossetic (Iron, Digor).

Abaev 1958-1989 = V. I. Abaev. Историко-этимологический словарь осетинского языка. В 5 тт. Москва / Ленинград: Наука. // An extensive synchronic and etymological dictionary of the Ossetic language, which covers both dialects: Iron and Digor. Vol. 1: A-Kʼ, 1958; Vol. 2: L-R, 1973; Vol. 3: S-Tʼ, 1979; Vol. 4: U-Z, 1989; Vol. 5: Indices, 1995.

Cheung 2002 = J. Cheung. Studies in the historical development of the Ossetic vocalism. Wiesbaden. // A sketch of historical phonetics of the Ossetic language, supplemented with an etymological glossary.

Belyaev's field records of 2013.

III. Yaghnobi.

AP 1957 = Андреев, М. С.; Пещерева, Е. М. Ягнобские тексты с приложением ягнобско-русского словаря, составленного М. С. Андреевым, В. А. Лившицем и А. К. Писарчик. Москва-Ленинград: Издательство Академии наук СССР. // The largest available collection of Yaghnobi texts, predominantly fairy-tales.

ALP 1957 = Андреев, М. С.; Лившиц, В. А.; Писарчик, А. К. Ягнобско-русский словарь. Москва-Ленинград: Издательство Академии наук СССР. // The largest available Yaghnobi-Russian dictionary with a Russian-Yaghnobi index. It was published in one volume with Yaghnobi texts.

Bird 2007 = Bird, B. A. Aspects of Yaghnobi grammar. A MA thesis. University of Oregon. // This work contains research on the grammatical structure of Yaghnobi and portions of glossed texts.

Bogolyubov 1966 = Боголюбов, М. Н. Ягнобский язык / Языки народов СССР. Том 1. Москва: Наука. // A sketch of Yaghnobi grammar. Contains some amount of lexics that were absent in previous works.

Khromov 1972 = Хромов, А. Л. Ягнобский язык. Москва: Наука. // A comprehensive grammar of Yaghnobi with samples of texts.

Lurye 2015 = Лурье, П. Б. Ягнобская сказка об Али и Имаме Махди / 'На пастбище мысли Благой': сборник статей к юбилею И. М. Стеблин-Каменского. Санкт-Петербург: Контраст. // A publication of a single Yaghnobi fairy-tale.

Novák 2010 = Novák, L. Jaghnóbsko-český slovník s přehledem jaghnóbské gramatiky. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze, filozofická fakulta. // A comprehensive dictionary of Yaghnobi. The author translates every word in Czech and summarizes all available sources, so it is possible to know whether some source quotes a word and how it transcribes this item. There is also a grammatical sketch of Yaghnobi.

Novák 2013 = Novák, L. Problem of Archaism and Innovation in the Eastern Iranian Languages. PhD dissertation. Praha. // This dissertation contains the author's research on archaisms and innovations in Sogdian, Yaghnobi and other Eastern Iranian languages. Novák has compiled the Swadesh list (207 items) for Sogdian and Yaghnobi with etymologies; however, he can list three or more words for each meaning without any differentiation.

Vinogradova 2000 = Виноградова, С. П. Ягнобский язык / Языки мира. Иранские языки III. Восточноиранские языки. Москва: Индрик. // A grammatical sketch of Yaghnobi.

IV. Parachi.

Efimov 2009 = Ефимов, В. А. Язык парачи. Грамматический очерк. Тексты. Словарь. Москва: «Восточная литература» РАН. // A grammar of Parachi with texts and dictionary.

Morgenstierne 1929 = Morgenstierne, G. Indo-Iranian frontier languages. Vol. I. Parachi and Ormuri. Oslo: H. Aschehoug & Co. (W. Nygaard). // A synchronic and diachronic grammar of Parachi and Ormuri with texts and dictionary.

V. Avestan.

Bartholomae 1904 = Bartholomae, Chr. Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Strassburg: Verlag von Karl J. Truebner. // A comprehensive Avestan and Old Persian dictionary with short etymological notes.

Darmstetter 1880-1887 = Darmstetter, J. The Zend Avesta. III parts. Oxford: At the Clarendon press. // An English translation of the Avestan corpus.

Geldner 1886-1896 = Geldner, K. F. Avesta: die heiligen Bücher der Parsen. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer. // A comprehensive edition of the Avestan corpus.

Henning 1940 = Henning, W. B. Sogdica. London: The Royal Asiatic Society.

Henning 1954 = Henning, W. B. Ein unbeachtetes Wort im Awesta. / Asiatica: Festschrift Friedrich Weller. Zum 65. Geburtstag gewidmet von seinen Freunden, Kollegen und Schülern. Ed. by Johannes Schubert and Ulrich Schneider. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz.

Reichelt 1909 = Reichelt, H. Awestisches Elementarbuch. Heidelberg: C. Winter.

Vaan 1997 = Vaan, M. de. Avestan *pouru.zaoθra-. In: Die Sprache. Bd. 39/1.

Vaan 2003 = Vaan, M. de. Avestan vowels. Amsterdam-New York, NY: Rodopi.

NOTES

I. Ossetic (Iron, Digor).

I.1. General.

The Ossetic languages consists of two main dialects: Iron and Digor. The current 110-item wordlists for both Iron and Digor were compiled by Oleg Belyaev during his field work in Vladikavkaz (North Ossetia-Alania) in 2013.

The Iron wordlist was recorded from one informant. Name: Fatima, female, born 1985 in Alagir (Alagirsky District, North Ossetia-Alania), lives in Alagir, higher education, Iron native speaker, also speaks Russian.

The Digor wordlist was recorded from one informant. Name: Irina, female, born 1993 in Dur-Dur (Digorsky District, North Ossetia-Alania), lives in Vladikavkaz, university student, Digor native speaker, also speaks Iron and Russian.

All of the elicited Ossetic words were checked against [Abaev 1958-1989]. Additionally, [Abaev 1958-1989] and [EDIL] were extensively used for etymological comments. Most of these apply equally to both Iron and Digor dialects, and have been entered only in the notes section on "Iron Ossetic".

There is a great number of etymologically obscure words in the Ossetic vocabulary, including its basic layer. Within the 110-item Swadesh wordlist, such terms are as follows:

1) 'bark' (cʼar | cʼarɜ); 2) 'belly' (gʷǝbǝn | gubun); 3) 'bird' (cʼiw | čʼew); 4) 'dry' (Digor sor); 5) 'feather' (šiš | šes); 6) 'fish' (kɜšag | kɜsalgɜ); 7) 'foot' (kʼaχ | kʼaχ); 8) 'hand' (kʼuχ | kʼoχ); 9) 'leaf' (Digor tʼaffɜ); 10) 'meat' (Iron ziza); 11) 'mountain' (kʼɜzɜχ | kʼɜʒɜχ); 12) 'mouth' (zǝχ | ʒuχ ~ cʼuχ); 13) 'neck' (bɜržɜy | bɜrzɜy); 14) 'nose' (fǝnz | fiy); 15) 'rain' (kʼɜvda | kʼɜvda); 16) 'round' (tǝmbǝl | tumbul); 17) 'small' (Iron čǝšǝl); 18) 'stone' (dur | dor); 19) 'tree' (bɜlaš | bɜlasɜ); 20) 'salt' (sɜχχ | cɜnχɜ); 21) 'short' (sǝbǝr | cubur).

They represent potential loanwords, although exact sources of borrowing are unclear. Since in many such cases we observe phonetically similar (but not identical) forms in modern North Caucasian languages, it is possible to think that we deal with substrate/adstrate loanwords that originally penetrated into Ossetic from a non-surviving language, which represented a separate group of the North Caucasian linguistic family. See also 'man' (lɜg), which we explicitely treat as a North-East Caucasian loanword.

I.2. Transliteration.

Cyrillic	IPA (Iron)	IPA (Digor)	Abaev	GLD (Iron)	GLD (Digor)	Notes
А а	ɑ	ɑ	a	a	a
Æ æ	ɜ	ɜ	æ	ɜ	ɜ	Does not correspond to IPA [æ].
Б б	b, pː	b, pː	b	b, pː	b, pː	Unvoiced when geminated, i.e., {бб, бп, пб, пп} are all pronounced as pː.
В в	v	v	v	v	v
Г г	g, kː	g, kː	g	g, kː	g, kː	Unvoiced when geminated, i.e., {гг, гк, кг, кк} are all pronounced as kː.
Гу гу	gʷ, kːʷ	gʷ, kːʷ	g˳	gʷ, kːʷ	gʷ, kːʷ	In Iron, only occurs before ǝ {ы}, e. g. gʷǝmirǝ {гуымиры} 'idol' but dagwat {дагуат} 'ravine'. Same behaviour as /g/ under gemination.
Гъ гъ	ʁ	ʁ	ğ	ʁ	ʁ
Гъу гъу	ʁʷ	ʁʷ	ğ˳	ʁʷ	ʁʷ	In Iron, only occurs before ǝ {ы}, e. g. aʁʷǝž {агъуыз} 'colourless' but arʁwan {аргъуан} 'church'.
Д д	d, tː	d, tː	d	d, tː	d, tː	Unvoiced when geminated, i.e., {дд, дт, тд, тт} are all pronounced as tː.
Дж дж	ʤ, ʧː	-	ǵ	ǯ, čː	-	Unvoiced when geminated, i.e., {дждж, джч, чдж, чч} are all pronounced as čː.
Дз дз	z, ʦː	ʣ, ʤ	ʒ	z, cː	ʒ, ǯ, cː	Iron: the affricate cː is only retained under gemination, otherwise z. Digor: the variant ǯ occurs before front vowels. Unvoiced when geminated, i.e., {дздз, дзц, цдз, цц} are all pronounced as cː.
Е е	e, je	e, je	e	e, ye	e, ye	Iron: usually occurs only in ɜ + ɜ sandhi. Pronounced as /ye/ word-initially.
З з	ʒ	z, ʒ	z	ž	z, ž	Digor: the variant ž occurs before front vowels.
И и	i	i, iː	i	i	i	Digor: long iː is presumably a separate phoneme, but this is not reflected in the orthography.
Й й	j	j	j	y	y
К к	kʰ, kː	kʰ, kː	k	k, kː	k, kː	Unaspirated when geminated (kː).
Ку ку	kʷ	kʷ	k˳	kʷ	kʷ	In Iron, only occurs before ǝ.
Къ къ	kʼ	kʼ	kʼ	kʼ	kʼ
Къу къу	kʼʷ	kʼʷ	kʼ˳	kʼʷ	kʼʷ	In Iron, only occurs before ǝ.
Л л	l	l	l	l	l
М м	m	m	m	m	m
Н н	n	n	n	n	n
О о	o	o	o	o	o
П п	pʰ, pː	pʰ, pː	p	p, pː	p, pː	Unaspirated when geminated (pː).
Пъ пъ	pʼ	pʼ	pʼ	pʼ	pʼ
Р р	r	r	r	r	r
С с	ʃ	s, ʃ	s	š	s, š	Digor: the variant š occurs before front vowels.
Т т	tʰ, tː	tʰ, tː	t	t, tː	t, tː	Unaspirated when geminated (tː).
Тъ тъ	tʼ	tʼ	tʼ	tʼ	tʼ
У у	u, w (after vowels)	u, w (after vowels)	u, w	u, w	u, w	When {у} is used after velar consonants, it may mark labialization of the preceding consonant (see above).
Ф ф	f	f	f	f	f
Х х	χ	χ	x	χ	χ
Ху ху	χʷ	χʷ	x˳	χʷ	χʷ	In Iron, only occurs before ǝ.
Хъ хъ	qʰ, qː	qʰ, qː	q	q, qː	q, qː	Unaspirated when geminated (qː).
Хъу хъу	qʷ	qʷ	q˳	qʷ	qʷ	In Iron, only occurs before ǝ.
Ц ц	s, ʦː	ʦʰ, ʧʰ, ʦː	c	s, cː	c, č, cː	Iron: cː when geminated, otherwise s. Digor: palatalized before front vowels.
Цъ цъ	ʦʼ	ʦʼ, ʧʼ	cʼ	cʼ	cʼ, čʼ	Digor: palatalized before front vowels.
Ч ч	ʧʰ, ʧː	-	ḱ	č, čː	-	Unaspirated when geminated (čː).
Чъ чъ	ʧʼ	-	čʼ	čʼ	-
Ы ы	ǝ	-	y	ǝ	-

II. Yaghnobi.

II.1. General.

The main source of Yaghnobi texts are field recordings made by M. S. Andreev and E. M. Peshchereva in 1924 and 1927. These texts represent mostly fairy-tales and, to a lesser degree, some riddles, folk songs and stories. Yaghnobi contexts given below are predominantly from this source. Sometimes better examples can be found in other sources, especially in [Khromov 1972]. Transcription in [AP 1957] is not easy and does not seem to be perfectly consistent. The authors do not distinguish between the phonemes /üː/ and /uː/. This is why we cite all forms according to [AP 1957] and [ALP 1957], except for those containing /üː/ and not attested by M. S. Andreev and E. M. Peshchereva. The latter forms are cited in accordance with [Novák 2010]. In some cases, we list main phonetic variants.

Dialects: Since the end of the XIX century, all researchers have agreed that there are at least two dialects of Yaghnobi: Western and Eastern. [Khromov 1972] and [Novák 2010] also add a Central (or transitional) dialect. Differences between them are mostly phonetic and morphological. For example, Western Yaghnobi [ay] corresponds to Central Yaghnobi [εːy] and to Eastern Yaghnobi [εː]. Dialects have very few lexical differences. Only one word from the 110-word list seems to have a special variant in Central Yaghnobi (biːldˈiːnga {bildínga} 'star' vs. sitˈoːra {sĭtóra} 'star' in other dialects).

If the word has dialectal variants, they are listed in a special section of the notes. If possible, we mention specific settlements where such forms are attested.

List of settlements: Western Yaghnobi: Bidew, (MT) – Marghtumajn, (QW) Quli Worsout, (W) – Waghinzoj. Eastern Yaghnobi: (DB) – Dehbaland, (Gh) Gharmen, Piskon, (S) – Sokan. Central Yaghnobi: Kashi, (N) – Nomitkon, (P) – Pitip, (PR) – Pulla Rout, (Q) – Qul, (BQ) – Bidoni Qul, (SQ) – Sarhaddi Qul, (XD) – Xisoki Darw.

II.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:

Andreev-Peshchereva	Novák	GLD
b	b	b
b	p	p
v	v	v
f	f	f
w, u̯	w, u̯	w
d	d	d
t	t	t
z	z	z
s	s	s
ǰ	ǰ	Ǯ
č	č	č
ž	ž	ž
š	š	š
g	g	g
k	k	k
x	x	χ
xu̯	x̊	χw
x̣	ḥ	ħ
h	h	h
		ʕ
m	m	m
n	n	n
r	r	r
γ	γ	ʁ
l	l	l
y	y	y
ĭ, , ĕ, ẹ̆	i	i
a	a	a
ŭ	u	u
i, ẹ	ī	iː
e, ẹ	ē	eː
o, ọ	ō	oː
u	ū	uː
u, uy, uy	ʉ̄, ʉ̄i̯	üː

Notes:
(1) The phoneme /v/ has an allophone [f] in final position and before voiceless consonants [Vinogradova 2000: 293].
(2) /w/ is a bilabial approximant, seriously weakened in final position [Novák 2010: 223].
(3) According to Novák, Yaghnobi consonants /š/, /ž/, /č/ and /ǯ/ are palatalized, i. e. š^y ž^y etc. [Novák 2010: 222].
(4) /k/ and /g/ have palatalized variants after front vowels in final position; sometimes they are even realized as ȶ, ȡ [Vinogradova 2000: 293; Novák 2010: 222].
(5) Phonemes /ħ/ and /ʕ/ occur only in borrowings from Arabic (via Tajik).
(6) /n/ has the allophone [ŋ] before velars.
(7) /i/ has three main allophonic variants: [ɪ], [i] and [e]. It can also be reduced.
(8) /u/ also has three main allophones [ʊ], [u] and [o] and can be reduced [Vinogradova 2000: 292-293].
(9) Phoneme /üː/ in Western Yaghnobi has allophones [üː] and [üː^y] [Novák 2010: 221].

III. Parachi.

III.1. General.

There are two main collections of Parachi texts, gathered by Georg Morgenstierne in the 1920s and by Valentin Efimov in the 1970s. Only two words from the 110-item Swadesh wordlist are still lacking: 'bird' and 'round'.

Dialects: There are three dialects of Parachi: Nijrau (Pajagan), Shutul and Gujulan. Morgenstierne worked mostly with Shutul speakers while Efimov worked with informants from Nijrau. The differences between the three dialects are minor. If there are any phonetically or morphologically different forms, the Nijrau form is given in the main field and the other forms are adduced in the commentary.

III.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:

Efimov	Morgenstierne	GLD
b	b	b
p	p	p
bʽ, bh	bh	bh
pʽ, ph	ph	ph
f	f	f
v	v	v
d	d	d
t	t	t
dʽ, dh	dh	dh
tʽ, th	th	th
z	z	z
s	s	s
sʽ, sh	sh	sh
ḍ	ḍ	ɖ
ṭ	ṭ	ʈ
ǰ	ǰ	ǯ
č	č	č
ǰʽ, ǰh	ǰh	ǯh
čʽ, čh	čh	čh
ž	ž	ž
š	š	š
žʽ, žh	žh	žh
g	g	g
k	k	k
gʽ, gh	gh	gh
kʽ, kh	kh	kh
m	m	m
n	n	n
mʽ, mh	mh	mh
nʽ, nh	nh	nh
ṇ	ṇ	ɳ
r	r	r
γ	γ	ʁ
rʽ, rh	rh	rh
ṛ	ṛ	ɽ
x	x	χ
q	q	q
h	h	h
ʽ	ʽ	ʕ
l	l	l
lʽ, lh	lh	lh
w	w, u	w
y	y, i	y
i	ī	iː
u	ū	uː
e	e	e
a	a	a
o	u	o
ē	ē	eː
ō	ō	oː
å	â	ɒː

Notes:
(1) /w/ is a bilabial approximant [Efimov 2009: 25].
(2) Parachi affricates /č/ /ǯ/ /č^h/ /ǯ^h/ and sibilants /š/ /ž/ /ž^h/ are bifocal [Efimov 2009: 24].

IV. Avestan

IV.1. General.

The source of the Avestan list are those texts of Avesta that correspond to the Younger Avestan period. Unfortunately, data for Old Avestan are scarce; this is why we include Old Avestan forms only in those cases where they are attested. Information is provided on specific attestation for every word. The system of transliteration is close to the phonological transcription by Benveniste, since it is closer to the Proto-Iranian reconstruction.

IV.2. Transliteration.

The following system of transliteration is used (not all the details are mentioned, since the Avestan writing system is rather sophisticated; some rules are rare and thus not relevant to words of this list):

Modern transliteration	Bartholomae's trasliteration	GLD
a	a	a
ā	ā	aː
i	i	i
ī	ī	iː (sometimes i and iia)
u	u	u
ū	ū	uː (sometimes u)
ǝrǝ	ǝrǝ	r̩
ą	ą	an / aːn
ā̊	ā̊	aː (preceding ŋh and ṇ); aːh (in final position)
ǝ	ǝ	a (before a nasal)
ǝ̄	ǝ̄	a (preceding a nasal in Old Avestan); /ah/ (in final position in Old Avestan)
e	e	eː (in final position); a (after ii, followed by a palatal consonant or a syllable that contains i, ii, or e)
ē	ē	eː (in final position)
aē	aē	ay
ōi	ōi	ay (in final position and in a closed syllable)
o	o	a (after m, p or uu, followed by a syllable that contains u)
ō	ō	oː (results from IIr {*as} in final position)
ao	ao	aw
ǝ̄u	ǝ̄u	aw (before š)
āi	āi	aːy
āu	āu	aːw
k	k	k
g	g	g
γ	γ	γ
x	x	x
c	č	č
j	ǰ	Ǯ
t	t	t
d	d	d
θ	θ	θ
t̰	t̰	t (in final position after a vowel or r)
p	p	p
b	b	b
f	f	f
n	n	n
m	m	m
y, ii	y	y
v, uu	v	w
r	r	r
s	s	s
z	z	z
š	š	š
ž	ž	ž
h	h	h
ŋh	ŋh	h (in intervocalic position in the sequence {-ā̆ŋhā̆-})
xᵛ	xᵛ	hw

Notes.

(1) {i} and {u} can be epenthetic.

(2) {ǝ}, {ǝ̄}, {a}, {o} and {i} can be anaptyctic.

(3) In {ǝrǝ}, the second {ǝ} is an anaptyctic vowel.

(4) The true phonetic value of {γ}, {x}, {θ} and {β} is disputed.

(5) It is possible that {c}, {j} are in fact [ɕ], [ʓ] or [ȶ], [ȡ].

(6) {t̰} can be an unreleased occlusive.

(7) {g} has a spelling variant {ġ} (in final position; probably unreleased); {y} has a spelling variant {ẏ}; {m} and {n} have a spelling variant {ṇ} before occlusives. We do not distinguish between {n} and {ṇ}.

(8) There are three varieties of {š}: {š}, {} and {š́}. The second variant, {}, represents originally a product of {*rt} under certain accentual conditions; {š́} occurs before {ii} and continues Proto-Iranian {*či̯}. Sometimes these graphemes become confused with each other. That is why it is preferable not to distinguish between them (like Bartholomae).

(9) In addition, {h} has less frequent spelling variants {x́} (before {ii}), {ŋ́h} (represents the development of *) and {ŋᵛh} (reflects {*-hu̯-}). We do not mark all the aforementioned nuances, because the exact phonetic and phonological values have not been established.

(10) The true phonetic value of {r} is not known.

(11) {v} can be a bilabial approximant.

Database compiled and annotated by:
Ossetic (Iron, Digor): Oleg Belyaev, March 2014.
Yaghnobi: Artem Trofimov, April 2016.
Parachi: Artem Trofimov, April 2016.
Avestan: Artem Trofimov, November 2016.